Soaring inflation, unaffordable rents and rising healthcare and education costs are pushing millions of Iranians from poverty toward a daily struggle for survival. ass="isSelectedEnd"> Iran's economic crisis has reached a point where millions of families are no longer struggling simply with higher prices. They are being forced to choose which basic necessities they can afford and which they must sacrifice.ass="isSelectedEnd"> Rising food prices, soaring rents, and the growing costs of healthcare and education have combined to push the country's cost-of-living crisis into a new and more dangerous phase. For many families, paying for housing means cutting food consumption; paying medical expenses means postponing education costs; and keeping children in school can require sending them into the streets to work.ass="isSelectedEnd"> A recent report by Iran's ILNA news agency on the lives of women street vendors in southern Tehran offers a stark illustration of this reality. One woman in Darvazeh Ghar said her monthly rent had risen from 100 million to 200 million rials, while her family had gone six months without eating meat. Another woman said she and her husband worked until 11 p.m., yet their landlord had increased the rent on their small home from 150 million to 250 million rials. Another family had been forced to send its children onto the streets to help earn money for rent.ass="isSelectedEnd"> These are not affluent neighborhoods. Darvazeh Ghar and the Shush area are among Tehran's lower-income districts. When even these traditionally cheaper areas become unaffordable, it demonstrates how far the housing crisis has penetrated Iran's poorest communities.

Poverty Beyond the Poverty Line

Inflation Is Shrinking the Family Table

Housing, Healthcare and Education Become Sacrifices

Poverty That Reproduces Itself

ranian regime's currency crisis is entering another dangerous phase as the value of the rial continues to collapse and the U.S. dollar climbs to new records. The rapid depreciation of the national currency is no longer merely a problem for currency traders or importers. It is increasingly becoming one of the main engines of inflation, directly affecting household purchasing power, production, employment, and the overall functioning of Iran's economy.

The dollar has moved beyond the 220,000-toman threshold, fluctuating sharply within a matter of hours. At one point, it reached approximately 228,000 tomans, illustrating the speed at which the currency crisis is unfolding.

But the significance of these figures goes beyond the exchange rate itself.

According to economic analysis presented by Dr. Mohammad-Hossein Tsouji, professor of electronic engineering, a member of the New York Academy of Sciences and a member of the National Council of Resistance of Iran, the continuing rise of the dollar is effectively a measure of the collapse in the value of Iran's national currency.

The consequences are spreading throughout virtually every part of the economy.

The Dollar's Rise Is a Measure of the Rial's Collapse

A recurring feature of Iran's currency crisis is that when the dollar rises sharply, it rarely returns fully to its previous level.

Even when the exchange rate retreats temporarily, the decline is generally insufficient to reverse the price increases that have already occurred. This creates a ratchet effect: each new currency shock establishes a higher price level throughout the economy.

The result is a steady erosion of the rial’s purchasing power.

For ordinary Iranians, the exchange rate is therefore not an abstract financial indicator. It determines the cost of food, medicine, household goods, transportation, housing-related expenses, and countless other necessities.

As the rial loses value, imported goods and imported inputs become more expensive. But the impact does not stop at products that are directly imported.

Why a Higher Dollar Raises Prices Across the Economy

A substantial portion of Iran's production system depends directly or indirectly on imported materials, components, machinery, medicines, and other inputs.

When the rial depreciates, the cost of these inputs increases.

That creates a chain reaction:

A weaker rial → more expensive imports → higher production costs → higher consumer prices → lower purchasing power → weaker demand → reduced production and investment.

The effect can therefore spread through the entire economy.

Manufacturers facing higher costs must either increase prices or absorb losses. If they increase prices, consumers buy less. If they absorb the additional costs, their profit margins shrink, leaving them with fewer resources for investment and expansion.

Neither outcome provides a path toward economic recovery.

The impact is particularly severe for food products. According to the analysis presented in the interview, even a 20 percent increase in the exchange rate could translate into price increases of roughly 20 to 35 percent for many consumer goods, while the impact on food prices can exceed 30 percent.

For Iranian families already struggling with inflation, such increases can rapidly turn basic necessities into unaffordable goods.

Purchasing Power Is Being Destroyed

The most immediate consequence of the currency collapse is the destruction of real incomes.

Wages and salaries do not increase at the same speed as prices.

When inflation rises by 40 percent while salaries increase by only 20 percent, workers effectively lose a significant portion of their purchasing power even though their nominal income has increased.

This dynamic affects government employees, workers, pensioners, shopkeepers, and other sections of society.

The problem becomes cumulative. Every new currency depreciation pushes prices higher, while incomes remain behind. Households respond by cutting consumption, postponing purchases, reducing the quality or quantity of food they buy, and abandoning non-essential expenditures.

The result is not simply greater poverty. It is a contraction in economic demand.

Falling Demand Is Paralyzing Production

When households lose purchasing power, businesses lose customers.

This creates another dangerous feedback loop.

Lower purchasing power leads to lower demand. Lower demand reduces sales. Falling sales discourage investment and can force businesses to reduce production, employment, or operating hours.

The consequences are increasingly visible in Iran's markets.

Some merchants are reportedly reluctant to sell their existing inventory because they fear that replacing it will cost substantially more the following day.

A shopkeeper who sells goods today at yesterday's price may find that the revenue received is insufficient to purchase the same goods again tomorrow.

This creates an extraordinary situation in which businesses can have merchandise available but still hesitate to sell it.

The market effectively begins to freeze.

The Government's Inflationary Response

The currency crisis also places enormous pressure on the Iranian regime itself.

As government finances deteriorate and economic pressures intensify, the authorities face growing demands for subsidies, salaries, public services, and other expenditures.

One potential response is further monetary expansion-effectively increasing the money supply without a corresponding increase in economic output.

But creating more money in an already inflationary economy can further weaken the currency and accelerate price increases.

This creates another vicious cycle:

Currency depreciation fuels inflation; inflation reduces purchasing power; weaker purchasing power reduces demand; economic contraction increases fiscal pressure; and attempts to cover that pressure through monetary expansion can further fuel inflation and currency depreciation.

Instead of resolving the underlying crisis, such policies can deepen it.

A Currency Crisis Becoming an Economic Crisis

The significance of the dollar’s rise therefore cannot be measured simply by comparing one exchange-rate figure with another.

The exchange rate has become a barometer of the broader deterioration of Iran’s economy.

In the period discussed in the interview, the dollar had risen from approximately 160,000 tomans to around 228,000 tomans within roughly three months-an increase of approximately 40 percent.

Such a rapid depreciation places enormous pressure on every sector dependent on imported inputs and on every household whose income is denominated in rials.

It also undermines economic predictability.

Businesses cannot reliably determine the replacement cost of their inventory. Producers cannot easily calculate future production expenses. Consumers cannot know how much their basic purchases will cost from one week to the next.

An economy cannot function normally when prices and replacement costs are constantly moving beyond the ability of businesses and households to anticipate them.

The Human Cost of Economic Paralysis

Behind every exchange-rate figure are millions of people whose living standards are being steadily eroded.

For ordinary Iranians, the collapse of the rial means that the same salary buys less food, fewer medicines, fewer household necessities, and fewer services.

For businesses, it means uncertainty over costs, declining demand, shrinking margins, and the growing risk of being unable to replace inventory.

For workers, it means wages that lose value before they can keep pace with inflation.

And for the broader economy, it means declining investment, weaker production, and an increasingly fragile financial system.

The central problem is therefore not simply that the dollar has reached another record level. It is that the Iranian regime’s economic policies have allowed currency depreciation and inflation to become mutually reinforcing forces.

For children in Iran, the beginning of the school year should be a time of excitement-the smell of new books, the anticipation of meeting classmates, and the simple joy of wearing a new school uniform. Under the rule of the Iranian regime, however, even these basic experiences are increasingly becoming unattainable luxuries.

As September approaches, families across Iran are confronting a harsh reality: the cost of notebooks, pens, colored pencils, uniforms, backpacks, and other basic school supplies has risen beyond the reach of many households. For children from impoverished families, returning to school is no longer simply an educational milestone. It can become a painful reminder of deprivation and inequality.

The crisis extends far beyond the price of school supplies. It reflects a broader collapse of Iran's education system, where poverty, inadequate infrastructure, unequal access to quality education, and the growing number of children who are unable to attend school are placing the future of an entire generation at risk.

When School Supplies Become a Luxury

The situation in Iran's markets illustrates the pressure facing families as the new academic year begins. A shopkeeper recently described the dramatic decline in customers during the traditionally busy back-to-school season, attributing it to the collapse in purchasing power and the soaring value of the U.S. dollar.

Instead of selling at normal margins, many retailers are being forced to offer repeated discounts simply so that families can afford the most basic supplies.

The problem is not merely economic. For a child, arriving at school without a new notebook, pencil case, uniform, or other basic supplies can carry a profound psychological burden.

A child who repeatedly hears "we cannot afford it" may begin to internalize a sense of deprivation, exclusion, and failure. The inability of parents to provide what their children need can also create feelings of shame and helplessness within families.

School uniforms themselves have reportedly become significantly more expensive than in previous years, with some families facing prices that have doubled or even tripled.

For millions of households already struggling with inflation and declining incomes, these additional costs can determine whether a child returns to school at all.

Millions of Children Left Behind

The scale of the education crisis becomes clearer when examining the number of children who have already fallen out of the educational system.

According to figures cited during the interview from the regime’s own Parliamentary Research Center, approximately four million students have been left out of education.

The figure is particularly alarming because it concerns children and adolescents who should be developing the knowledge and skills needed for their future.

Where are these children now?

Some may have been forced into child labor. Others may remain confined to their homes. Many have effectively disappeared from the educational system without any clear mechanism ensuring their return.

The consequences are not limited to missed lessons or lost school years. Prolonged exclusion from education can affect children’s psychological well-being, social development, future employment prospects, and ability to participate meaningfully in society.

The question therefore extends beyond whether children can attend school this year. It is about what kind of future awaits a generation that is being deprived of education during its formative years.

An Education System Deeply Divided by Class

Iran’s education system has also become increasingly stratified.

Children from wealthy families can attend expensive private schools with better facilities and greater educational resources. For children from working-class and impoverished families, however, access to even basic educational services can be difficult.

This divide means that a child’s educational opportunities are increasingly determined by the economic circumstances of their parents.

The result is an education system in which inequality is reproduced rather than reduced. Instead of providing children with a pathway out of poverty, education itself increasingly reflects the economic divisions already present in Iranian society.

Low Educational Performance Reveals a Deeper Crisis

The problem is not limited to access to education. The quality of education is also a major concern.

Iranian students have performed poorly in international assessments such as TIMSS, which evaluates mathematics and science achievement, and PIRLS, which assesses reading comprehension.

Poor results in such assessments point to broader structural problems in the education system, including inadequate resources, unequal access to quality instruction, insufficient infrastructure, and the inability of the authorities to provide effective educational opportunities for the majority of students.

At a time when technological transformation is accelerating globally, these deficiencies carry particularly serious consequences.

The modern economy increasingly depends on digital literacy, advanced technical skills, scientific knowledge, and the ability to work with emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence.

A generation deprived of quality education will struggle to compete in such an environment.

The Digital Divide Deepened During the Pandemic and Crises

The disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic exposed and intensified another weakness: the digital divide.

When education shifted online, many Iranian children lacked computers, smartphones, reliable internet access, or other educational resources needed to participate effectively.

The regime promoted its online education platform, known as "Shad," but access was far from universal. Children from poorer families were particularly disadvantaged.

Periods of crisis and instability have compounded these difficulties, repeatedly disrupting children’s education and making continuity of learning even more difficult.

For children who were already economically vulnerable, every interruption increases the risk of permanent exclusion from school.

The Cost of Losing a Generation

The consequences of Iran’s education crisis will extend far beyond the classroom.

Education is one of the foundations of a country’s economic and social development. A society that fails to educate its children cannot maintain a skilled workforce capable of responding to technological and economic change.

This is particularly significant as the world moves rapidly toward an economy shaped by artificial intelligence, automation, digital technologies, and advanced scientific knowledge.

Iran’s children should be preparing to participate in that future. Instead, millions are struggling simply to remain in school.

The result could be a widening gap between Iran and countries that are investing in education, technology, and human capital.

More importantly, the consequences will be borne by the children themselves. A child denied education today may face limited employment opportunities, lower income, greater vulnerability to exploitation, and fewer possibilities for social mobility tomorrow.

A Crisis That Reflects the Regime’s Priorities

The education crisis cannot be separated from Iran’s broader economic and social conditions.

When families cannot afford a notebook or school uniform, the problem is not simply the price of stationery. It reflects declining purchasing power, inflation, poverty, and a system that has failed to guarantee adequate educational opportunities for its children.

The millions of students excluded from education represent more than a statistic. They are children whose opportunities are being lost in real time.

Iran’s education crisis therefore raises a fundamental question: what happens to a country when an entire generation is denied the education it needs to build its future?

At least 82 people were executed and 152 were arrested in Iran during August, according to documented reports, while women, political prisoners, Kurds, Baluch citizens, and January uprising detainees remained particularly vulnerable. ta-start="541" data-end="597"> ta-start="604" data-end="840"> Iran's human rights crisis continued to deteriorate throughout August 2026, as the ruling regime relied increasingly on executions, arbitrary arrests, lethal force, and physical punishment to intimidate society and suppress dissent.ta-start="842" data-end="1151"> According to figures compiled from published reports, at least 82 people were executed in Iranian prisons during August, including six women and four political prisoners. The victims also included members of Iran's ethnic minorities: six Baluch and eight Kurdish prisoners, as well as one Afghan national.ta-start="1153" data-end="1530"> The figures reflect only cases that could be documented and reported. Other human rights organizations have also recorded a sharp increase in executions during the month, although their totals differ because executions are frequently carried out without advance public notification and information about individual cases is often withheld.ta-start="1532" data-end="1739"> The pattern is significant. As the regime faces mounting political, economic, and social pressures, the use of executions and other coercive measures has become an increasingly visible instrument of control.

82 executions documented in August

Women among those executed

• Mahtab Shirmohammadi, 32, executed on August 2 at Yasuj Central Prison on a murder charge.
• Marzieh Niri, 24, executed on August 8 at Qazvin Central Prison on a murder charge.
• Donya Mohammadi, 20, executed on August 19 at Ilam Central Prison on a murder charge. Her execution was also independently reported by human-rights organizations.
• Fatemeh (Maryam) Kamal Zareh, 30, executed on August 23 at Karaj Central Prison on a murder charge.
• Arezoo Rostad, 23, executed on August 24 at Isfahan Central Prison on a drug-related charge.
• Zahra Azizpour, 43, executed on August 25 at Rasht Central Prison on a murder charge.

Political prisoners and January uprising detainees executed

152 arrests as repression expands

Extrajudicial killings of border workers and civilians

• Three fuel carriers, known as sookhtbars ;
• Four Kurdish porters, or kolbars ;
• Two other civilians.

Flogging and renewed punishment of women protesters

A system built around intimidation

Repression as a symptom of political crisis

Banners and leaflets displayed across Zahedan highlighted the PMOI's 61-year struggle against dictatorship, emphasizing rejection of both the monarchy and the clerical regime and calling for a democratic republic.

On Friday, September 5, 2026, the Resistance Units of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) carried out a series of activities across Zahedan to mark the 61st anniversary of the organization's founding.

The activities, conducted ahead of September 6, featured the installation and distribution of banners and leaflets carrying messages associated with the Iranian Resistance's leadership. The campaign emphasized the PMOI's six decades of confrontation with dictatorship in Iran and presented its political identity as one centered on resistance, sacrifice, and opposition to both monarchical and clerical rule.

The messages highlighted the significance attributed by the Resistance to the organization's founding in 1965, describing its history as a continuous struggle against dictatorship, political repression, and foreign dependency. They also portrayed the PMOI as an organization whose political and organizational traditions are intended to guide younger generations participating in protests and resistance activities inside Iran.

Six decades of opposition to dictatorship

A central theme of the activities in Zahedan was the PMOI's claim of 61 years of uninterrupted struggle against what its supporters describe as the two forms of dictatorship that have dominated Iran's modern political history: the former Shah's monarchy and the current clerical regime.

The banners and leaflets repeatedly invoked the concepts of truthfulness and sacrifice, presenting them as defining principles of the organization. They also emphasized the deaths, imprisonment, torture, and executions endured by PMOI members and supporters under both the Pahlavi monarchy and the clerical regime.

The anniversary campaign therefore sought to portray the organization not simply as a political movement, but as part of a historical continuum of resistance in Iran. Its messages argued that the struggle begun by the PMOI's founders has continued through successive periods of repression and remains directed toward the establishment of a democratic political system.

The Resistance Units also used the anniversary to reinforce the slogan "Neither Shah nor Mullah", rejecting both monarchy and theocratic rule as alternatives to the current regime.

Messages directed at a new generation of protesters

Another prominent element of the Zahedan campaign was the presentation of the PMOI's organizational experience as a source of political guidance for younger generations involved in protests and resistance.

Messages associated with Maryam Rajavi emphasized the PMOI's role as a source of hope and a political and organizational reference for the generation taking to the streets. The material portrayed the organization's values and methods as relevant to the current struggle against repression and as a guide for continuing resistance.

The campaign also drew on Massoud Rajavi's longstanding emphasis on resistance, sacrifice, and the organization's determination to continue its struggle until the establishment of political freedom in Iran.

Taken together, the messages presented the PMOI as a continuing political force whose history, according to the Resistance Units, provides an organizational foundation for confronting the Iranian regime.

Rejecting both monarchy and clerical rule

The Zahedan activities placed particular emphasis on the Resistance's opposition to both forms of authoritarian rule.

The banners and leaflets stressed that the PMOI's political position is based on rejecting both the former monarchy and the current clerical system. Slogans displayed during the activities included variations of "Neither Shah nor Mullah", "Down with the oppressor, whether Shah or Supreme Leader," and calls for a democratic republic.

This message was also linked to the Resistance's broader argument that dictatorship, regardless of whether it is justified through religion or monarchy, represents a denial of popular sovereignty.

The campaign highlighted the issue of discrimination against women as another point of continuity between authoritarian systems. Messages attributed to Maryam Rajavi described misogyny as a common feature of both monarchical and clerical forms of dictatorship and presented opposition to all forms of authoritarianism as a central element of the Resistance's political platform.

"From Zahedan to Tehran"

The choice of Zahedan for the anniversary campaign also carried significance within the broader geography of opposition to the regime.

Among the slogans displayed were calls linking Zahedan with Tehran and other parts of Iran, underscoring the idea of a nationwide struggle against repression. The messages sought to connect local resistance activities with the broader protest movement and its demand for political change.

The slogans also rejected attempts to frame Iran's political future as a choice between the current clerical establishment and a return to monarchy. Instead, the Resistance Units promoted the establishment of a democratic republic based on popular sovereignty.

From Vakilabad Prison, political prisoner Seyed Mohammad Javad Vafaei Thani marks the anniversary of the PMOI's founding, paying tribute to generations of resistance and expressing confidence that their struggle will ultimately bring freedom to Iran.

From Vakilabad Prison in Mashhad, Iranian political prisoner Seyed Mohammad Javad Vafaei Thani has issued a message marking the anniversary of the founding of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), paying tribute to generations of resistance and expressing confidence that the movement's sacrifices will ultimately lead to freedom in Iran.

Writing in September 2026, Vafaei Thani acknowledged the difficult conditions facing prisoners amid the Iranian regime's repression and the broader crises affecting people across Iran. But he stressed that hardship cannot be a reason for silence.

"In such difficult days, when this bloodthirsty and anti-human regime has created such harsh conditions for the people of Iran and the region, naturally our circumstances in prison, like those of all the people of this land, are difficult and arduous," he wrote. "But this is no reason for us to remain silent."

The political prisoner said that those held behind bars have a responsibility to speak for people who are unable to make their voices heard freely.

"We have a duty, under all circumstances, to be the voice of our oppressed people and to cry out about their pain and suffering," he stated.

Remembering the Founders of the Resistance

Vafaei Thani reflected on the founding of the PMOI more than six decades ago and the sacrifices made by its founders. He specifically recalled Mohammad Hanifnejad and his comrades, who were executed by the Shah's regime in the early 1970s.

"Sometimes I think: if Hanif and his companions had not founded this organization and watered its roots with their blood, what would the people of Iran have today?" he wrote.

For Vafaei Thani, the history of the PMOI represents a continuing process in which successive generations have inherited the commitment and sacrifices of those who came before them. He described himself as having emerged from what he called the "green branches" of this movement through awareness and conscious choice.

"I thank God that I too sprouted on the green branches of this tree and was granted the blessing of awareness and the choice of this evergreen path," he wrote.

More than 60 years after its establishment, he argued, the movement has grown beyond the ability of repression to extinguish it.

"Today, more than sixty years after the beginning of this growth, this tree has taken root and we have become a forest that no winter and no axe can destroy or silence," he declared.

He linked this resilience to the repeated attempts by successive Iranian regimes to eliminate opposition through executions, imprisonment and repression.

"Every time they cut off our heads, we grew again and again and multiplied," he wrote.

A Message of Defiance From Behind Bars

Vafaei Thani's message comes from a prison system that has become one of the principal instruments of repression used by the Iranian regime against political opponents, activists and dissidents. His words portray imprisonment not as an end to political resistance, but as another arena in which prisoners can raise their voices.

He expressed confidence that the sacrifices made by generations of resistance fighters would ultimately bear fruit, regardless of whether those who made the sacrifices live to witness that day.

"God willing, in the near future, whether we are here or not, the fruit of these efforts, resistance and struggles, and the sincerity and sacrifice of this blessed tree will be celebrated by the honorable people of Iran with freedom," he wrote.

He also remembered those who were executed for their political beliefs, describing them as continuing symbols of the struggle for freedom.

"When our comrades were sent to the gallows, the stars, moon and sun witnessed how they roared," he wrote. "They know that they too were stars who went from among us to the heavens, and on that day they will shine alongside the people of Iran and in their hearts and sing songs of joy."

Looking Toward Future Generations

The political prisoner also reflected on the successive challenges faced by the resistance movement and credited the leadership of Maryam Rajavi and Massoud Rajavi with shaping its subsequent political and organizational trajectory.

"Over these years, we have gone through many trials together," he wrote. "We blossomed with Sister Maryam's revolution and, under the leadership of Brother Massoud, charted our roadmaps."

Looking beyond his own generation, Vafaei Thani said he hoped future generations would recognize the significance of the sacrifices made by those who preceded them and carry the struggle forward.

"God willing, future generations will appreciate the outcome of this path and bring it to its destination better than we and those before us," he stated.

From Qezel Hesar Prison, political prisoner Ali Moezzi marks the 61st anniversary of the PMOI, calling for support for an organized democratic alternative and urging Iranians not to surrender their future to others.

Political prisoner Ali Moezzi has issued a message from Qezel Hesar Prison in Iran marking the 61st anniversary of the founding of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), describing the organization as a product of decades of struggle and sacrifice and calling on the Iranian people to take an active role in determining their country's future.

In his message, written in September 2026, Moezzi described the PMOI's founding principles as centered on "unity, liberation, and freedom," while emphasizing its opposition to colonialism, reaction, dictatorship, and political dependence.

"Sixty-one years of the evolutionary life of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran-congratulations to Sister Maryam, to the soul of souls, and to the heroic people of Iran," he wrote.

He characterized the organization as a movement whose members, in his words, have sought to separate religious faith from the political exploitation and repression carried out in its name.

"The Mojahed has removed the dust from the face of religion," Moezzi wrote. "The People's Mojahedin love God and God's people, struggle for God and the people, and have no fear of the reproaches and obstacles created by their critics, censors, demonizers, those who create smoke and noise, those who block the way, and those who spread despair."

From the Founding Generation to Organized Resistance

Moezzi used the image of a tree to describe the evolution of the PMOI over more than six decades. He traced what he described as the movement's development from its founding in 1965 through successive phases of political and armed struggle, the establishment of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), the formation of the National Liberation Army, the organizational transformations that followed, and the emergence of Resistance Units.

"The young sapling planted in September 1965, after 61 years-from Hanif to Massoud and to Maryam, passing through ups and downs and bloody tsunamis, watered by the rushing river of the blood of the finest children of this land, has now become a mighty tree and a steadfast support for the people of Iran, with its branches spread across the world," he wrote.

He presented the movement's different organizational phases as successive manifestations of the same political current, arguing that each stage has served a particular function in the broader struggle against dictatorship.

From urban guerrilla fighters and post-revolution militias to resistance fighters in the 1980s, the NCRI, the National Liberation Army in Camp Ashraf, the internal transformation of the organization, the emergence of women in senior roles, and the Resistance Units and supporters associated with Ashraf, Moezzi asked whether each represented another product of what he called the movement's "blessed tree."

"Let Us Not Allow Others to Write Our Destiny"

A central theme of Moezzi's message is the need for Iranian society to determine its own political future rather than allowing outside forces or competing political currents to impose a solution.

"Looking back at the past, we realize that without a doubt, the glorious future of Iran and the Iranian people depends on the continuity and solidarity of the people of our homeland with this treasure that they have nurtured-and nothing else," he wrote.

He argued that various political paths taken over the decades have already been tested, and urged Iranians to draw lessons from that history.

"The roads, the wrong roads, and the byways have all had their trial," Moezzi stated.

Against this backdrop, he issued a direct appeal to the Iranian people:

"Let us not allow others to write our destiny. Let us not leave this capital and national treasure idle; let us hold firmly to this steadfast rock."

Organized Resistance and the People

Moezzi linked the effectiveness of resistance to the relationship between organized political structures and broader society. He argued that neither mass anger without organization nor an organization disconnected from society can independently produce fundamental political change.

"Organized resistance needs the masses, and the shapeless masses need this organized resistance," he wrote.

He portrayed Iranian society as facing severe economic and social pressures, referring to people who are angry, desperate, trapped in hardship and hunger, and deprived of avenues for earning a livelihood.

For Moezzi, the political alternative he supports represents a means through which popular demands for freedom and equality can be translated into organized political action.

"Supporting and joining an independent and democratic alternative is the guarantee of freedom, democracy, and equality for tomorrow's Iran," he wrote.

A Call for Continued Resistance

The message concludes with slogans calling for continued resistance against oppression and rejecting both monarchical and clerical forms of dictatorship.

"Do not remain calm for even a moment, for the blood of the people is being wasted," Moezzi wrote.

He concluded with the slogan:

"Death to the oppressor, whether he is Shah or Leader."

And he expressed his hope for the success of what he described as the Iranian people's democratic revolution:

In two poetic messages from Qezel Hesar Prison and Karaj Central Prison, political prisoners Maytham Dehban-Zadeh and Mohammad Hassani commemorate generations of resistance to dictatorship and express hope for a free Iran.

Two Iranian political prisoners have marked the anniversary of the founding of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) with deeply symbolic poems from behind prison walls, invoking more than six decades of political struggle, sacrifice, and resistance to dictatorship.

Maytham Dehban-Zadeh, writing from Qezel Hesar Prison, and Mohammad Hassani, writing from Karaj Central Prison, use historical and mythological imagery to connect the sacrifices of earlier generations with the continuing struggle for a democratic future in Iran.

Their messages are not simply commemorative poems. They present a prison-born account of resistance in which executed prisoners, fallen fighters, uprisings, and successive generations are portrayed as links in a continuing chain of struggle against dictatorship.

"Salute to the Day When Love and Freedom Entered History"

Dehban-Zadeh begins his message by invoking the founding generation of the PMOI and the sacrifices that followed.

"Salute to the day when love emerged from the heart of a harsh and dark winter and the truth called freedom began flowing through the veins of history," he writes.

He pays tribute to early PMOI members, including Ahmad Rezaei, Mohammad Hanifnejad, Saeed Mohsen, and Ali-Asghar Badizadegan, who were executed under the Shah's regime in the early 1970s.

"Salute to Hanif, Saeed, and Badizadegan-lives that were not an ending, but the beginning of a flood that passed through blood and faith and heralded the arrival of tomorrow," Dehban-Zadeh writes.

The poem then moves through different episodes in the history of the PMOI and the broader resistance movement, invoking the sacrifices of those killed in confrontations with successive Iranian regimes.

Among the references are the June 20, 1981, uprising and the October 1981 clashes, as well as the February 8, 1982, killings of senior PMOI members. To an international audience unfamiliar with these dates, they represent successive moments in which members and supporters of the opposition faced mass arrests, executions, and armed repression.

Dehban-Zadeh repeatedly turns these episodes of violence into symbols of endurance.

"Salute to the fiery October 5 and to the footsteps that passed through hot lead to say: 'Can the sun really be killed?'" he writes.

Remembering Ashraf and the Resistance's Fallen

The poem also invokes Camp Ashraf and the people who died during the organization's years of armed and political resistance.

"Salute to Ashraf and Mousa, to Ashraf's martyrs and to that bloody dawn of February 8, whose memory and song remain," Dehban-Zadeh writes.

He then turns to what he describes as a profound transformation within the resistance movement, highlighting the emergence of women in prominent leadership positions under Maryam Rajavi.

"Salute to that profound transformation in the revolution for liberation, born with Maryam-the emergence of new human beings determined to break the hidden chains," he writes.

The poem portrays the women of the resistance as central actors in the struggle for political liberation, describing them through images of an army capable of confronting repression with determination and sacrifice.

"Salute to an army of women and men of courage, steel and fire, who turned another page in the history of human freedom under the banner of women," Dehban-Zadeh writes.

"Salute to the Pulse of Every Uprising"

Dehban-Zadeh's poem also moves from historical remembrance toward Iran's more recent uprisings. He invokes the Resistance Units and portrays them as the continuing "red pulse" of popular revolts against the regime.

"Salute to the red pulse of every uprising, to the leopard-like rebels and your fiery hammer," he writes.

He names several members of the resistance who were killed or imprisoned, including Behrouz and Mehdi, and Vahid and his comrades, presenting their deaths as part of a larger history of sacrifice.

The poem ultimately shifts from mourning toward anticipation of a different future.

"Salute to the bright horizon of Iran's sky, which is about to spread the radiant light of resistance over the most beautiful homeland," he writes.

It concludes with a series of declarations:

"Salute to the organization of love, salute to freedom, salute to perseverance, salute to Rajavi, salute to liberation, salute to the blessed birth of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran."

Mohammad Hassani: The Myth of Zahak and Kaveh Reimagined

A second political prisoner, Mohammad Hassani, sent a separate poem from Karaj Central Prison in September 2026.

Hassani draws heavily on the ancient Iranian legend of Zahak and Kaveh the Blacksmith, using the myth as an allegory for dictatorship and popular resistance.

In the traditional Persian epic tradition, Zahak is a tyrannical ruler associated with violence and oppression, while Kaveh is a blacksmith who rises against him. Hassani adapts these figures to describe contemporary Iran, portraying the tyrant as a monster sustained by repression and the people as a force eventually capable of overthrowing him.

He opens with a dark depiction of tyranny:

"In the hidden chamber of night, drunk Zahak bears his burden; thirsty dragons feed upon innocent lives."

The poem then describes the ruler's attempt to conceal repression behind religion and political propaganda, portraying clerics and loyalists as instruments of the tyrant.

But the image of Kaveh soon appears.

"Kaveh sits with his companions," Hassani writes. "Hanif kindles the flame of awareness and anger."

The historical Hanifnejad is thus placed alongside the mythical Kaveh, linking the ancient Persian image of resistance to the modern history of the PMOI.

From Zahak's Rule to a Spring of Freedom

In the second half of the poem, Hassani describes the transformation of the symbols of power. Zahak becomes weaker, while Kaveh multiplies into thousands.

"Kaveh has now become thousands," he writes.

The metaphor captures the central idea running through both prisoners' messages: attempts to eliminate opposition through executions and repression cannot permanently extinguish resistance.

Hassani concludes with images of spring, light, and liberation replacing the darkness of dictatorship.

"The land of Iran has become filled with the spring of cypress trees," he writes, invoking the cypress as a traditional Persian symbol of endurance and uprightness.

He then imagines the final confrontation:

"The hammer of the Kavehs falls upon his head; the sword of freedom cuts the throat of his shame."

The poem ends on a vision of renewal:

"In our dawn, love rains down, and light. In winter, spring. Light rains down, and light."

Poetry From Behind Prison Walls

Written from two of Iran's prisons, the messages of Dehban-Zadeh and Hassani transform imprisonment into a platform for political remembrance and defiance.

Their poems connect the founders of the PMOI, generations of prisoners and executed opponents, the organization's subsequent political and military history, and Iran's contemporary protest movements into one narrative of resistance.

Resistance Units marked the 61st anniversary of the PMOI's founding with 150 reported activities across dozens of Iranian cities, highlighting resistance, rejection of both monarchy and clerical rule, and calls for a democratic republic.

Resistance Units of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) carried out 150 reported activities across Iran to mark the 61st anniversary of the organization's founding, according to material released by the Iranian Resistance.

The reported actions included collective activities, banners and emblems displayed in public locations, images of the organization's founders, mountain-climbing actions, flower tributes, and graffiti in numerous cities. The activities were reported in Tehran, Tabriz, Urmia, Mashhad, Karaj, Isfahan, Shiraz, Qom, Ahvaz, Sari, Kermanshah, Kerman, Hamadan, Arak, Khorramabad, Sanandaj, Zabol, Kashan, Saveh, Iranshahr, Marvdasht, Qaemshahr, Behshahr, Fasa, Malayer, Baneh, Shirvan, Tabas, and other locations.

The actions focused on the PMOI's six decades of political struggle and its stated opposition to both the former monarchy and the current clerical regime.

"61 Years of Resistance and Perseverance"

A recurring message throughout the reported activities was the commemoration of 61 years of what participants described as uninterrupted resistance.

Among the slogans displayed were: "61 years of perseverance, 61 years of sacrifice, 61 years of saying no to Shah and no to Mullah."

Another message described the PMOI as a movement founded on principles of opposition to dictatorship, foreign domination, and exploitation, while emphasizing the sacrifices of those killed during the organization's history.

In Tehran, Resistance Units reportedly installed PMOI symbols and images of Mohammad Hanifnejad, one of the organization's founders, on bridges and other prominent locations. Images of Hanifnejad, Saeed Mohsen, and Asghar Badizadegan were displayed with messages honoring them as early examples of sacrifice, honesty, and perseverance.

One of the messages declared: "The great achievement of the organization's founders was establishing an organization founded on truthfulness and sacrifice."

Rejecting Both Monarchy and Clerical Rule

The rejection of both political systems was among the most prominent themes of the anniversary activities.

Messages repeatedly declared:  "61 years of saying no to Shah and no to Mullah."

Other slogans called for "neither monarchy nor supreme leadership, but democracy and equality," while several actions promoted the establishment of "a democratic republic free of Mullah and Shah."

In Qom, one reported banner stated:

"Our goal is not to seize power, but to transfer it to the people of Iran."

Another message referred to Maryam Rajavi's proposed Ten-Point Plan as a framework for what participants described as a free Iran of the future.

Actions Across Major Iranian Cities

In Tehran, the reported activities included the installation of PMOI emblems on bridges, banners featuring Maryam Rajavi, collective actions by mountain climbers, and displays of statements attributed to the organization's leaders.

One slogan described the PMOI as "the living embodiment of tomorrow's history," while another called it "a stronghold of freedom for Iran."

In Shiraz, Resistance Units reportedly carried out several collective actions emphasizing "61 years of resistance and boundless sacrifice." Other messages described the PMOI as a guarantor of freedom and democracy.

Kermanshah saw displays of the founders' images and messages marking "61 years of resistance against Shah and Mullah." In Mashhad, Karaj, Isfahan, Ahvaz, Sanandaj, Kashan, and other cities, similar collective activities and displays were reported.

In Zabol, a reported action combined the anniversary message with slogans against former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and in support of Resistance Units.

Graffiti was also reportedly carried out in multiple cities, extending the anniversary campaign beyond organized displays and into public spaces.

A Message of Continuity and Political Change

Across the reported actions, the Resistance Units portrayed the PMOI's 61-year history as a continuing struggle rather than a historical commemoration alone.

Messages attributed to Maryam Rajavi emphasized the role of the PMOI in guiding younger generations involved in protests, while statements attributed to Massoud Rajavi portrayed the organization as committed to the overthrow of the clerical regime and the establishment of popular sovereignty.

One recurring message stated:

"The Mojahedin in the contemporary history of this homeland are the guarantee of the overthrow of the anti-human regime."

Another declared:

"The democratic revolution of the Iranian people will put an end to the religious dictatorship."

Resistance Units carried out a car and motorcycle parade in Karaj and dozens of graffiti actions across major cities, marking the beginning of the PMOI's 61nd year with calls for a democratic republic and an end to both monarchical and clerical dictatorship.

On the anniversary of the founding of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), Resistance Units carried out a series of coordinated activities across Iran, marking the beginning of the organization's 61nd year with messages calling for the overthrow of the clerical regime and the establishment of a democratic republic.

The activities included a car and motorcycle parade in Karaj and approximately 30 graffiti actions in Tehran, Karaj, Mashhad, Qom, Shiraz, Rasht, Ahvaz, Kermanshah, Bandar Abbas, Hamadan, Zanjan, Ilam, Sanandaj, Sabzevar, Saveh, Eyvan, Sarab, Bukan, Minab, and Islamabad-e Gharb.

The actions were carried out despite the Iranian regime's extensive security apparatus and its systematic efforts to prevent public expressions of opposition. Their geographic spread demonstrated the continued activity of Resistance Units and their ability to transmit political messages in different parts of the country.

"61 Years of Struggle"

Several of the messages highlighted the historical significance of the PMOI's six decades of political struggle. One slogan read:

"The PMOI means 61 years of saying: No to Shah, No to Mullah."

Other messages commemorated Mohammad Hanifnejad, one of the organization's founders, and emphasized what participants described as the founding principles of the organization.

"Long live the great founder of the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran, Mohammad Hanifnejad," read one message, while another stated: "The great achievement of the organization's founders was establishing an organization founded on truthfulness and sacrifice."

The slogans presented the organization's history as a continuous struggle against both monarchical and clerical forms of authoritarian rule.

Rejecting Both Shah and Clerical Rule

A central theme of the Resistance Units' messages was opposition to both the former monarchy and the current clerical regime.

"Neither Shah nor Mullah-long live the democratic revolution of the Iranian people," read one slogan.

Other messages declared: "Neither monarchy nor supreme leadership-democracy and equality," and called for "a democratic republic free of both Mullah and Shah."

The slogans also drew a direct parallel between the current regime and the final years of the monarchy, declaring: "Just like the Shah's regime, the Mullah's final days have arrived."

Another message stated: "The overthrow of the clerical dictatorship is certain and inevitable, just as it was for the Shah."

Messages of Defiance Against the Regime

The Resistance Units also emphasized their determination to continue confronting the regime despite repression and political pressure.

"Mountains shook, but the Mojahedin did not move from their place in the struggle to overthrow the velayat-e faqih," one message declared.

Other slogans included calls to abolish the principle of velayat-e faqih and support the PMOI's proposed resistance structure, with messages such as:

"Down with the principle of velayat-e faqih, long live the Liberation Army."

The slogan "Death to the oppressor, whether he is the Shah or the Leader" similarly underscored the movement's rejection of authoritarianism regardless of its political label.

A Democratic Republic as the Alternative

The actions repeatedly presented a democratic republic as the alternative to the existing political system. One slogan declared:

"A democratic republic, free of Mullah and Shah."

Other messages described the PMOI as a guarantor of freedom and popular sovereignty and called for a democratic revolution led by the Iranian people.

"The democratic revolution will triumph through the power of the people and the Liberation Army," another slogan read.

Messages also referred to what they described as a new phase in determining the political future of Iran: "We have entered the phase of determining the fate and destiny of our people in relation to the regime of velayat-e faqih and its collaborators and mercenaries."